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Results for gun ownership

12 results found

Author: Karp, Aaron

Title: Estimating Civilian Owned Firearms

Summary: Most of the world’s firearms are privately owned. They include improvised craft guns as well as handguns, rifles, shotguns, and machine guns. The legal definition of a civilian firearm varies; some states allow civilian ownership of certain firearms that are restricted to military use in other states. The word civilian is used here to refer to actual possession, not legality. In 2007, the Small Arms Survey estimated the number of civilian firearm ownership worldwide at approximately 650 million weapons out of some 875 then in existence. National ownership rates range from a high of 90 firearms per every 100 people in the United States, to one firearm or less for every 100 residents in countries like South Korea and Ghana. With the world’s factories delivering millions of newly manufactured firearms annually, and with far fewer being destroyed, civilian ownership is growing. Poor record-keeping and the near absence of reporting requirements for detailed information complicate assessments of global stockpiles of small arms and light weapons. When it comes to estimating civilian firearm ownership, differences in national gun culture - each country’s unique combination of historic and current sources of supply, laws and attitudes toward firearms ownership — often have distinct effects on the classification, ownership and perception of firearms. In addition, categories of firearm holders may overlap, as some individuals may use their private firearms at work as security guards, in armed groups, or in gangs.

Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey. Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2011. 4p.

Source: Internet Resource: Research Note No. 9: Accessed September 15, 2011 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-9.pdf

Year: 2011

Country: International

URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/H-Research_Notes/SAS-Research-Note-9.pdf

Shelf Number: 122739

Keywords:
Firearms and Crime
Gangs
Gun Ownership
Guns
Violence

Author: Cook, Philip J.

Title: Gun Control After Heller: Litigating Against Regulation

Summary: The “core right” established in D.C. vs. Heller (2008) is to keep an operable handgun in the home for self-defense purposes. If the Court extends this right to cover state and local jurisdictions, the result is likely to include the elimination of the most stringent existing regulations – such as Chicago’s handgun ban – and could also possibly ban regulations that place substantial restrictions or costs on handgun ownership. We find evidence in support of four conclusions: The effect of Heller may be to increase the prevalence of handgun ownership in jurisdictions that currently have restrictive laws; Given the best evidence on the consequences of increased prevalence of gun ownership, these jurisdictions will experience a greater burden of crime due to more lethal violence and an increased burglary rate; Nonetheless, a regime with greater scope for gun rights is not necessarily inferior – whether restrictive regulations would pass a cost benefit test may depend on whether we accept the Heller viewpoint that there is a legal entitlement to possess a handgun; In any event, the core right defined by Heller leaves room for some regulation that would reduce the negative externalities of gun ownership.

Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2009. 34p.

Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper Series, Working Paper 15431: Accessed November 1, 2011 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w15431.pdf

Year: 2009

Country: United States

URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w15431.pdf

Shelf Number: 123208

Keywords:
Gun Control
Gun Ownership
Gun Violence
Guns

Author: Frandsen, Ronald J.

Title: Background Checks for Firearm Transfers, 2010 - Statistical Tables

Summary: Over 118 million applications for firearm transfers or permits were subject to background checks from the inception of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act of 1993 on March 1, 1994, through December 31, 2010. During this time period, about 2.1 million applications, or 1.8%, were denied (table 1). In 2010, 1.5% of the 10.4 million applications for firearm transfers or permits were denied by the FBI (approximately 73,000) or by state and local agencies (approximately 80,000). The denial rate for applications checked by the FBI (1.2%) was lower than the rate for checks by state and local agencies (1.8%) (table 2). The data in this report were developed from the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ (BJS) Firearms Inquiry Statistics (FIST) program, which collects information on firearm background checks conducted by state and local agencies and combines this information with the FBI’s National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) transaction data. This report presents the overall trends in the estimated number of applications and denials for firearm transfers or permits since the inception of the Brady Act and describes background checks for firearm transfers conducted in 2010. Data include the number of firearm transaction applications checked by state and local agencies and the FBI, the number of applications denied and the reasons for denial, and estimates of applications and denials by each type of approval system. Statistical tables also provide data on appeals of denied applications and arrests for falsified documents.

Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013. 17p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 13, 2013 at: http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/bcft10st.pdf

Year: 2013

Country: United States

URL: http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/bcft10st.pdf

Shelf Number: 127608

Keywords:
Brady Act
Firearms (U.S.)
Gun Control Policy
Gun Ownership
Guns

Author: Kleck, Gary

Title: Does Gun Control Reduce Violent Crime?

Summary: Do gun control laws reduce violence? To answer this question, a city-level cross-sectional analysis was performed on data pertaining to every U.S. city with a population of at least 25,000 in 1990 (n=1,078), assessing the impact of 19 major types of gun control laws, and controlling for gun ownership levels and numerous other possible confounders. Models were estimated using instrumental variables regression to address endogeneity of gun levels due to reverse causality. Results indicate that gun control laws generally show no evidence of effects on crime rates, possibly because gun levels do not have a net positive effect on violence rates. Although a minority of laws seem to show effects, they are as likely to imply violence-increasing effects as violence-decreasing effects. There were, however, a few noteworthy exceptions: requiring a license to possess a gun, and bans on purchases of guns by alcoholics appear to reduce rates of both homicide and robbery. Weaker evidence suggests that bans on gun purchases by criminals and on possession by mentally ill persons may reduce assault rates, and that bans on gun purchase by criminals may also reduce robbery rates.

Details: Unpublished paper, 2016. 48p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2807634

Year: 2016

Country: United States

URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2807634

Shelf Number: 145073

Keywords:
Gun Control
Gun Control Policy
Gun Ownership
Gun-Related Violence

Author: Carapic, Jovana

Title: Handgun Ownership and Armed Violence in the Western Balkans

Summary: In the 1990s, the countries and territories of the Western Balkans1 experienced several transformations: a transition from socialism to liberal democracy, widespread economic decline, and episodes of violent conflict in Bosnia and Croatia (1991–95) and in Kosovo (1999) (see Map). Since the turn of the 21st century, the region has witnessed increasing political stability and socioeconomic adjustment. Yet while the threat of armed conflict in the region has decreased, levels of handgun ownership and armed violence remain high. Throughout the region, which has an overall population of about 25 million (UNDESA, n.d.), an estimated 3.6–6.2 million firearms are in civilian possession. The high prevalence of civilian-held firearms has been linked to the rate of violent crime, with the homicide rate in the Western Balkans being higher than in the other countries of Southern Europe as well as in Western Europe (Alvazzi del Frate and Mugellini, 2012; Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2011, p. 60). In addition, the high prevalence of firearms and violent crime in the region is linked to the activities of organized crime, which is largely perceived by both the international and the local population as one of the primary sources of insecurity in the Western Balkans. These findings call for an analysis of the dynamics of firearms possession and armed violence in the Western Balkans. This Issue Brief examines the historical aspects of firearms proliferation in the region in order to frame the issue. It also presents the results of a nationwide household survey conducted by Gallup Europe in the countries and territories of the Western Balkans in 2012. The Small Arms Survey had the opportunity to insert three questions relating to firearms possession and armed victimization into the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor (see Box 1). Where necessary, the data from the survey has been supplemented by information from other sources, such as international and national data, special reports, and policy and academic research. The main findings are as follows: The Western Balkans is home to an estimated 3.6–6.2 million registered and unregistered firearms. At least 500,000 and up to 1.6 million households own firearms in the Western Balkans. Since 1995, the average homicide rate in the region has decreased drastically, stabilizing at around 2.0 per 100,000 between 2007 and 2010. Nevertheless, the homicide rate is still significantly higher than in other European regions, and homicides are more frequently committed with firearms. About 1.2 per cent of all survey respondents reported that a household member was held at gunpoint in the 12 months prior to the administration of the survey. This Issue Brief is divided into three sections. The first section outlines the cultural and historical factors that have facilitated the spread of firearms among the population. The second section examines the post-conflict security dynamics, the role of organized crime in the proliferation of firearms, and the prevalence of registered and unregistered firearms in the region. The section ends with a focus on longitudinal trends in the homicide rate, as disaggregated by sex and firearms. Section three, which comprises the bulk of the analysis, presents region-wide household survey data obtained from the 2012 Gallup Balkan Monitor to generate an evidence-based understanding of armed violence in the Western Balkans. Specifically, the section unpacks issues relating to self-reported and perceived levels of handgun ownership, provides estimates of household firearms possession, and reflects on experiences of armed violence.

Details: Geneva: Small Arms Survey, 2014. 16p.

Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief, no. 4: Accessed November 10, 2016 at: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf

Year: 2014

Country: Europe

URL: http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/G-Issue-briefs/SAS-AV-IB4-Western-Balkans.pdf

Shelf Number: 146983

Keywords:
Firearms
Gun Ownership
Gun Violence
Gun-Related Violence
Homicides

Author: Pew Research Center

Title: Why Own a Gun? Protection Is Now Top Reason

Summary: The vast majority of gun owners say that having a gun makes them feel safer. And far more today than in 1999 cite protection – rather than hunting or other activities – as the main reason they own guns. A Pew Research Center survey conducted in February found that nearly half of gun owners (48%) volunteer that the main reason they own a gun is for protection; just 32% say they have a gun primarily for hunting and even fewer cite other reasons, such as target shooting. That's 22 percentage points higher than 1999 when 26% cited protection as the biggest factor and 49% said they owned a gun mostly for hunting. About a quarter of Americans (24%) say they personally own a gun, rifle or pistol; another 13% say another person in their household has a gun. A large percentage of gun owners (79%) say having a gun makes them feel safer. At the same time, nearly as many (78%) say that owning a gun is something they enjoy. Most Americans (57%) say they do not have a gun in their household. Most of the non-gun owners (58%) say that they would be uncomfortable having a gun in their homes; 40% say they would be comfortable having a gun.

Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2013. 24p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 20, 2016 at: http://www.people-press.org/2013/03/12/why-own-a-gun-protection-is-now-top-reason/

Year: 2013

Country: United States

URL: http://www.people-press.org/2013/03/12/why-own-a-gun-protection-is-now-top-reason/

Shelf Number: 147778

Keywords:
Fear of crime
Gun Ownership
Gun-Related Violence
Guns

Author: Sierra-Arevalo, Michael

Title: Legal cynicism and protective gun ownership among active offenders in Chicago

Summary: Most American gun owners report having their firearms for protection. However, these national estimates are likely to under-sample residents of marginalized urban communities where rates of violent victimization, and presumably the need for personal protection, are more pronounced. Further, this under-sampling limits our understanding of motivations for gun ownership within the "hidden" group of active criminal offenders that are more likely to be both victims and offenders of street crime. Drawing on past work linking neighborhood violence to legal cynicism, and using data gathered by the Chicago Gun Project (CGP), I employ measures of police legitimacy to explore the effect of distrust of legal agents on protective gun ownership among active offenders in Chicago. These data confirm that lower levels of police legitimacy are significantly related to a higher probability of acquiring a firearm for protection. I consider the ways that gang membership, legal changes in Chicago, and gun behaviors are related to protective gun ownership, as well as how community policing and procedural justice can improve perceptions of police and enhance their legitimacy, potentially reducing the incentives to engage in violent, extralegal "self-help" with a firearm.

Details: New Haven, CT: Yale University, Institution for Social and Policy Studies, 2016. 21p.

Source: Internet Resource: Cogent Social Sciences 2: 1227293: Accessed December 23, 2016 at: http://isps.yale.edu/sites/default/files/publication/2016/09/cogentsocialsciences_2016_sierra-arevalo_legal_cynicism_and_protective_gun_ownership_among_active_offenders_in_chicago.pdf

Year: 2016

Country: United States

URL: http://isps.yale.edu/sites/default/files/publication/2016/09/cogentsocialsciences_2016_sierra-arevalo_legal_cynicism_and_protective_gun_ownership_among_active_offenders_in_chicago.pdf

Shelf Number: 146155

Keywords:
Gun Ownership
Gun-Related Violence
Police Legitimacy
Urban Areas and Crime
Violent Crime

Author: Duquet, Nils

Title: Firearms and Violent Deaths in Europe: An Exploratory Analysis of the Linkages Between Gun Ownership, Firearms Legislation and Violent Death

Summary: On a regular basis, news stories appear in the media about public shootings where shooters use their guns to open fire and kill people in shopping malls or on school campuses. Mostly these stories deal with incidents in the United States. Over the last years, however, a number of European countries have experienced similar public shooting incidents. Notable cases were the shootings at Tuusula and Kauhajoki in Finland (2007 and 2008), the killings in Cumbria in the UK (2010), the Utøya attacks by Anders Breivik in Norway (2011), and the shootings at Alphen aan den Rijn in the Netherlands and Liège in Belgium in 2011. Public shootings draw a high level of media attention. Less striking in the public eye, but not less significant – not least in quantitative terms –, are the numbers of people in Europe killed by firearms in the context of gun-related crime or in domestic shootings. It is estimated that between 2000 and 2010, over 10,000 victims of murder or manslaughter were killed by firearms in the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). Every year, over 4000 suicides by firearm are registered in the EU. This means that, on average, there are 0.24 homicides and 0.9 suicides by firearm per 100,000 population in Europe every year. Compared with the US or other countries around the globe, the rates of gun-related violent death in Europe are rather low, certainly where the homicide rates are concerned. This does not mean, however, that the problem of gun violence has not appeared on the European policy radar in recent years. On the contrary, the attention devoted to the problem by law enforcement agencies and policy-makers has been growing. Reacting not only to shooting incidents such as those mentioned above, but also to warnings by police and law enforcement agencies that criminals are increasingly willing to use (heavy) firearms and that illegal trafficking in firearms is on the rise, a number of European countries have announced policy interventions targeted at reducing levels of gun-related violence and crime. The European Commission has also become an active actor in firearms policy. In October 2013 it announced a plan to reduce gun violence in Europe, in which it defined the misuse of firearms, whether legally-owned or illicitly manufactured or acquired, as "a serious threat to the EU's security from both an internal and an external perspective". One of the major problems the Commission identified in its initial policy papers was the problem of a lack of sound and adequate knowledge about firearms in Europe. The commission noted that "a lack of solid EU-wide statistics and intelligence hampers effective policy and operational responses". One of the ambitions of the EU’s firearms policy is, therefore, to address the gaps in knowledge concerning gun violence. An additional problem is that the lack of reliable and comprehensive information on firearms in Europe is not limited to the sphere of law enforcement and policy-making. European scholarly research focusing specifically on firearms availability, gun control and gun-related violence is scarce. There is a research community in Europe focusing on small arms and light weapons (SALW), but it is predominantly concerned with the export of firearms and the connections between these arms flows and violence in developing, transitional or fragile states outside Europe. Scientific research on firearms and gun-related violence in the domestic European context is much less advanced. The scanty research efforts made in this field by epidemiologists, criminologists and legal scholars remain fragmented, and suffer from the fact that there is no integrated scholarly community dealing with gun-related issues. Language barriers, moreover, often prevent the wider dissemination of research results. Given this relative lack of European firearms research, American studies are still clearly dominant at present in research on the links between the availability of firearms and gun-related violence. Greene and Marsh have calculated that out of the 665 studies on firearms and violence that they reviewed, 64% were about the USA. Of the remaining studies not on the USA, 13% concerned cross-national comparisons or articles in which the geographical focus was unspecified (such as reviews), while 8% were about developing countries. Only 15% concerned other developed countries such as Canada, Australia, the UK and Germany. Given the particularities of the American context, and more specifically the fact that the US has one of the highest rates of gun-related deaths and crime among industrialized democracies, simply transposing the results of American research to the European context is problematic. What are the levels of firearms availability in Europe? Are there links between the levels of gun ownership in European countries and these countries’ rates of violence and violent death? And what is the impact of European gun laws on public safety and health? The absence of evidence specifically for the European context makes it difficult for policy-makers and researchers to find impartial and unbiased answers to these questions. Hence the pressing need for research that specifically focuses on gun-related violence in the European context: and with the present report, we would like to make a contribution to that effort. As we are moving into largely uncharted territory, our analysis of the European situation will necessarily be exploratory. Our primary ambition is to collect and take stock of the fragmented evidence that is available on gun-related violence in Europe. Our geographical coverage will be broader than the EU and encompasses a group of approximately 40 European countries, although in some instances we will limit our analyses to the EU28.

Details: Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2015. 83p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 16, 2017 at: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf

Year: 2015

Country: Europe

URL: http://www.vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/sites/vlaamsvredesinstituut.eu/files/wysiwyg/firearms_and_violent_deaths_in_europe_web.pdf

Shelf Number: 141048

Keywords:
Gun Control
Gun Ownership
Gun Violence
Gun-Related Violence
Guns
Homicides
Violence
Violent Crime

Author: Smith, Tom W.

Title: Trends in Gun Ownership in the United States, 1972-2014

Summary: The household ownership of firearms has declined in recent decades. Table 1 shows that the 31.0% of households reported having a firearm in 2014, essentially tying with 2010 for the lowest level of gun ownership in the last 40-some years. This is a decline of about 17 percentage points from the peak ownership years in 1977-1980. Similarly, Table 1 indicates that in 2010 and 2014 about 32% of adults lived households having firearms. This was a decline almost 19 percentage points from an average of 51.2% in 1976-1982. Based on an earlier analysis of those who refused to say whether or not there was a firearm in their household, the refusers were reallocated as probably living in a household with a firearm or not living in such a household. This allocation indicates that just under 35% of adults lived in a household with a firearm in both 2014 and 2010. This represents a decline of over 16 percentage point from the peak average of 51.1% in 1976-1982. Table 2 shows that in 2014 22.4% of adults personally owned a firearm. This is up slightly from a record low of 20.6% in 2010. There has been little change from 2006 to 2014. Personal ownership in 2014 is down 8.1 percentage points from a high of 30.5% in 1985. One of the main reasons for the decline in household firearm ownership is the decrease in the popularity of hunting (Table 3). In 2014, only 15.4% of adults lived in households in which they, their spouse, or both were hunters. This is the lowest level of hunters since the highest level of 31.6% adults being hunters or married to a hunter in 1977. In 2010-14, household firearms ownership was higher among households with white respondents (39.0%) than among those with black respondents (18.1%) (Table 4). Similarly, it was greater among non-Hispanics (36.0%) than among Hispanics (15.2%). Household gun ownership was greater for among respondents in household with higher incomes. As Table 4 indicates, it rose from 18.2% for households with income below $25,000 to 44.0% for those with ($90,000+). It was also low for households that refused to report income (243.5). This was because households that refused to supply income information were more likely to also refuse to report on firearm ownership. Adults living on households with firearms are concentrated in rural areas and in regions with more residents living in rural areas. As Table 4 shows, household firearms ownership was greatest in the East South Central region and smallest in the Pacific region and Northeast regions. Likewise, it was highest in counties with no town over 10,000 (55.9%) and lowest in the central cities of the largest 12 metropolitan areas (14.8%). Personal ownership of firearms has not appreciably change for women from 1980 through 2014. Between 9% and 14% of women personally owned a firearm during those years and there is no meaningful trend in the level of personal ownership. In 1980, 10.1% personally owned a firearm and in 2014 11.7% did. Men are much more likely to personally own a firearm than women are, but the gender gap has narrowed due to a decline in personal firearm ownership among men. In 1980, 50.3% of men and 10.1% of women reported personal firearm ownership for a gender gap to +40.2 percentage points (Table 5). In 2014, it was 35.1% for men and 11.7% for women for a gender gap of +23.4 points. This is the second smallest gender gap just above the 23.1 point difference in 2010. Personal firearms ownership used to vary very little across age cohorts. In 1980, 23.5% of those under 35 owned a firearm as did 27.4% of those 65+ for an age gap of + 3.9 points. Age differences increased over time, averaging about + 20 points in recent years. In 2014, personal firearms ownership was 14.0% for those under 35 and 30.4 % for those 65+ for an age gap of 16.4 points. Support for a law requiring a police permit before purchasing a firearm was between 69-75% in 1972- 1988 with no clear trend before moving up from 73.5% in 1988 to a peak of 81.9% in 1998 (Table 6). Support remained at 78-81% during 1989-2008 before slipping to a low of 71.7% in 2014, the lowest level since 1987. Thus, the gains in support in the late 1980s and 1990s have disappeared in recent years.

Details: Chicago: NORC at the University of Chicago, 2015. 11p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://www.norc.org/PDFs/GSS%20Reports/GSS_Trends%20in%20Gun%20Ownership_US_1972-2014.pdf

Year: 2015

Country: United States

URL: http://www.norc.org/PDFs/GSS%20Reports/GSS_Trends%20in%20Gun%20Ownership_US_1972-2014.pdf

Shelf Number: 146196

Keywords:
Gun Ownership
Gun Violence
Gun-Related Violence
Guns

Author: Parker, Kim

Title: America's Complex Relationship With Guns An in-depth look at the attitudes and experiences of U.S. adults

Summary: As a nation, the U.S. has a deep and enduring connection to guns. Integrated into the fabric of American society since the country's earliest days, guns remain a point of pride for many Americans. Whether for hunting, sport shooting or personal protection, most gun owners count the right to bear arms as central to their freedom. At the same time, the results of gun-related violence have shaken the nation, and debates over gun policy remain sharply polarized. A new Pew Research Center survey attempts to better understand the complex relationship Americans have with guns and how that relationship intersects with their policy views. The survey finds that Americans have broad exposure to guns, whether they personally own one or not. At least two-thirds have lived in a household with a gun at some point in their lives. And roughly seven-in-ten - including 55% of those who have never personally owned a gun - say they have fired a gun at some point. Today, three-in-ten U.S. adults say they own a gun, and an additional 36% say that while they don't own one now, they might be open to owning a gun in the future. A third of adults say they don't currently own a gun and can't see themselves ever doing so. To be sure, experiences with guns aren't always positive: 44% of U.S. adults say they personally know someone who has been shot, either accidentally or intentionally, and about a quarter (23%) say they or someone in their family have been threatened or intimidated by someone using a gun. Half see gun violence as a very big problem in the U.S. today, although gun owners and non-owners offer divergent views on this. Gun owners and non-owners are also deeply divided on several gun policy proposals, but there is agreement on some restrictions, such as preventing those with mental illnesses and those on federal watch lists from buying guns. Among gun owners, there is a diversity of views on gun policy, driven in large part by party affiliation.

Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2017. 79p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 23, 2017 at: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/06/22/americas-complex-relationship-with-guns/

Year: 2017

Country: United States

URL: http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/06/22/americas-complex-relationship-with-guns/

Shelf Number: 146352

Keywords:
Gun Ownership
Gun Policy
Gun Violence
Gun-Related Violence
Guns

Author: Conley, Mark A.

Title: Motivational Influences on the American Gun Rights Debate

Summary: For almost forty years gun ownership and the motivational underpinnings of why guns are valued has received little attention in psychology. The gun rights debate is an unresolved salient item that has been on the national agenda for decades, and national polls provide evidence for a slow and steady voter realignment over this issue. Motivation science tools that explain value creation, regulatory focus and regulatory fit, help to explain the salience and importance of gun rights for millions of Americans. Three field experiments, with replications and extensions, demonstrated motivational fit between the prevention orientation (marked by vigilant concern for threats) and gun ownership. This research remained agnostic regarding the legal and moral components of the gun rights debate. Instead, these experiments demonstrate the malleability of gun value as a function of fundamental motivations. This applied political psychology research made two basic contributions to regulatory fit theory. First, these field experiments found fit effects between motivational inductions and distinct field environments. Also, by incorporating a pure control condition into these regulatory fit experiments, this research pinned down that literal dollar value of motivationally relevant objects is intensified by fit (as opposed to decreased by non-fit).

Details: New York: Columbia University, 2018. 91p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2018 at: https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8FR1D00

Year: 2018

Country: United States

URL: https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8FR1D00

Shelf Number: 153904

Keywords:
Gun Control
Gun Ownership
Gun Policy

Author: Gun Control Australia

Title: Gun Control Australia: Report Card: New South Wales

Summary: About this Report Card -- This Report Card provides an analysis of the current status of New South Wales' gun laws and how they are faring after years of political pressure from the gun lobby to water them down. Figures in the report have been obtained from the NSW Firearms Registry via access to information laws and from the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics (BOCSAR) by specific request. The Report Card provides an overview of: - The increasing level of gun ownership in NSW - The poor regulation of gun clubs in NSW - The poor regulation of recreational hunting in NSW - The role the gun lobby has played in the dismantling of NSW gun laws - The use of guns in violent crime including domestic violence - The lack of NSW compliance with the resolutions set out in the 1996 National Firearms Agreement (NFA) in response to the Port Arthur massacre - The policy position that GCA seeks political parties to embrace at the coming NSW election. Quick facts -- - At 1st February 2019 the number of firearms registered in NSW was 1,007,786 with over 880 000 firearms owned by individual license holders. This is an increase of 9.5 per cent on December 2016 (920,041) - The majority of registered firearms are hunting rifles and shotguns (842,791)2 - There are 40,930 registered handguns including semi-automatic handguns - Out of the total 608,193 'genuine reasons' provided for issuing a gun licence, 62 per cent of those reasons were for recreational hunting. - From Jan 2018 to Dec 2018 there were 454 guns stolen in NSW and 591 stolen the previous year. The majority of guns were stolen from residential dwellings. - There are 100 individuals (not collectors or dealers) across NSW who own private arsenals with more than 70 firearms including one individual in Eastgardens with 305 firearms, one in Mosman with 285 firearms and one in North Sydney with 268 - There have been 21,645 permits for children aged 12 and over issued for the period 2016 to 2018. The Shooters Fishers and Farmers Party (SFFP) is lobbying to lower the age a child can acquire a permit to 10 - In a five-year period there have been 23 domestic violence related murders using a firearm. The use of gun in domestic violence is under reported and under researched. - In two-year period there have only been 10 convictions/penalties imposed for illegal hunting on private lands - NSW firearm laws are in breach of 11 of the resolutions set out in the 1996 Port Arthur Agreement known as the National Firearms Agreement 1996 (NFA)

Details: s.l.: Gun Control Australia, 2019. 53p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 15, 2019 at: https://assets.nationbuilder.com/guncontrolparty/pages/105/attachments/original/1552025584/GCA-NSW-Report-Card-2019.pdf?1552025584

Year: 2019

Country: Australia

URL: https://assets.nationbuilder.com/guncontrolparty/pages/105/attachments/original/1552025584/GCA-NSW-Report-Card-2019.pdf?1552025584

Shelf Number: 154979

Keywords:
Gun Control Policy
Gun Legislation
Gun Ownership
Gun Policy
Gun Violence
Gun-Related Violence